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Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander viewers are advised that this website contains the names and images of people who have passed
That organisations developing policies and programs addressing Aboriginal alcohol issues:
a) Recognise the inadequacy of single factor explanations (such as the disease model of problematic alcohol use) of the causes of alcohol dependence and misuse among individuals; and
b) Take into account the fact that multiple explanations are necessary to explain the causes of alcohol misuse and related problems at the community level. It is therefore inappropriate to focus too strongly on any one explanation to the exclusion of others.
The intent of recommendation 70 was to ensure policies and programs addressing alcohol misuse among Aboriginal people are guided by multi-factor explanations of its causes.
The Department of Health acknowledged that their policies and programs recognise the complex causes of alcohol misuse but there are challenges addressing all dimensions of treatment. Although addiction is recognised as a bio-psycho-social phenomenon, the biological aspects of treatment are frequently lacking. For example, access to pharmacotherapy for opioid and alcohol use disorders remains limited, even in services where cultural considerations are well integrated, despite such treatments being highlighted in national guidelines.
While there is broad recognition of the multiple and complex causes of alcohol misuse, this understanding has not consistently translated into effective, multifaceted, and culturally appropriate service delivery.
I think it is definitely not happening correctly because, if we had the right policies or programs, we would not continue to face issues in our communities related to alcohol misuse. People would not encounter difficulties when trying to access detox and rehabilitation services. (Nicola Perry-Peters, Victorian Aboriginal Community Controlled Health Organisation)
References to Aboriginal-specific policies in strategic documents often remain aspirational rather than resulting in tangible outcomes. Current policies and programs often fail to address the full spectrum of needs, including trauma-informed approaches, and funding levels are insufficient to support adequate staffing or comprehensive care.
We've got four workers across all of Gippsland. We've got the most mob in need in East Gippsland, but none of the workers are Aboriginal, which affects mob because there's no real cultural understanding of past traumas. A lot of our mob are dealing with long term trauma, so, they're drinking to forget it. That's a huge gap as well. It's pretty sad given how many mob we have here, and only four workers to cater to the whole of Gippsland. (Nicole Le Sage, Executive Officer, Gippsland Regional Aboriginal Justice Advisory Committee)
Priority for Further Work:
High
Relevance and potential impact | |||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
Low (0-2) | Moderate (3-4) | High (5-6) | |||
Extent of action taken and evidence of outcomes | High (5-6) | ||||
Moderate (3-4) | |||||
Low (0-2) | |||||
Develop and fund sustainable, Aboriginal-led alcohol and other drug (AOD) services in regional areas with high unmet need, such as the Latrobe Valley. Ensure these services are supported by consistent data collection and evaluation to monitor patterns of use, service access and outcomes.
That the Department of Health provide additional funding to Aboriginal Community Controlled Organisations to develop early intervention programs for alcohol and other drug misuse. Funding should also be allocated to the Victorian Aboriginal Community Controlled Health Organisation to fully implement the relevant five actions in the Aboriginal Health and Wellbeing Partnership Agreement.
Establish Aboriginal specific AOD healing centres in regional Victoria, particularly where there has been long-term community advocacy for such services. (Examples provided from the Western region and Wotha Daborra.)
The Royal Commission into Aboriginal Deaths in Custody (RCIADIC) reported various cultural, social and historical explanations for alcohol misuse among Aboriginal people. It noted that single factor explanations used in program and policy frameworks did not adequately address the complex and inter-related causes of alcohol misuse. For example, the disease model was a single-factor explanation commonly used in treatment programs to understand alcohol dependence and misuse. It conceptualised that an ‘alcoholic’ suffered from the disease of ‘alcoholism’, a disease that cannot be cured but rather abstained from. The Commission noted that this framework did not account for the many causations of alcohol dependence and was critiqued by professionals and academics. Other models may be more appropriate including the acculturation/anomie model that considers the misuse of alcohol by Aboriginal people as a reaction to the breakdown of their culture and marginalisation within Australian society.
The RCIADIC emphasised the need to prioritise integrated models, that account for a variety of explanations of alcohol misuse, in policies and programs.
The Department of Health reiterated earlier assessments that this recommendation was fully implemented in Victoria but noted related service delivery challenges.
Safer Care Victoria ensures that policies and programs recognise complex causes of alcohol misuse. However, programs and services often do not cater for all aspects of treatment. Addiction/dependence can be characterised as a bio-psycho-social phenomenon although often the ‘biological’ component of treatment can be missing. For example, there remains a lack of pharmacotherapy services available for treatment of opioid use disorder even in Aboriginal community-controlled health services where cultural overlays are well understood. There is also limited access to pharmacotherapy for alcohol use disorder despite the treatment being prominent in the national alcohol guidelines.
The Victorian Alcohol and Drug Association’s (VADA) submission to the Yoorrook Justice Commission included information on Aboriginal peoples’ experiences and their interactions with the AOD service system. VADA noted that Aboriginal people, like many Australians, use AOD for various reasons, including enjoyment, social connection, coping with stress or trauma, and responding to experiences of racism or other injustices. While alcohol has caused considerable harm to Aboriginal communities, it has also played a role in fostering cultural and social connections. For example, Uncle Jack Charles explained in his Yoorrook Justice Commission testimony that Fitzroy pubs were important places where he connected with family, culture, and his heritage.
A significant body of research, combined with firsthand accounts from Aboriginal people, details how patterns of AOD use and related policy responses have contributed to systemic disadvantages. VADA noted that policy documents can be ‘impersonal and objectifying’ only presenting health and wellbeing outcomes and failing to recognise the histories of trauma and colonial exploitation thus continuing to perpetuate harmful colonial narratives.
There are very few Aboriginal-run AOD rehabilitation services in Victoria, and even fewer residential support services specific for Aboriginal women with AOD dependence. The overlap between AOD dependence, family violence, and child protection involvement demonstrates that more services for supporting women with AOD dependence is essential.